Hidden wounds

Hidden wounds: The case of Sde Teiman prison and its connection to the Epstein affair

Mustafa Hosseini, researcher in Zionist regime affairs

In a world where justice often remains overshadowed by power, harrowing cases such as Sde Teiman prison in Israel and Jeffrey Epstein’s network in the United States raise profound questions. These two deep and shocking scandals may appear separate on the surface, yet at deeper levels, they seem to branch from a shared structure, one that allegedly uses sexual abuse as a tool for control and concealment. The following text, based on available evidence and relying on published documents and reports from official sources, examines these overlaps.

 

What happened at Sde Teiman

Sde Teiman prison, a military facility in southern Israel, has been known since October 2023 as a site for detaining Palestinian prisoners from Gaza. Reports by the United Nations in August 2024 described the location as a symbol of “systematic torture.” Prisoners, many reportedly held without formal charge, have allegedly been kept in inhumane conditions: cage-like enclosures that confine detainees like animals, constant use of handcuffs and blindfolds; denial of access to toilets and forced use of adult diapers for humiliation and control, even in cases where detainees were wounded or not mobility-restricted—and other degrading measures. However, what has drawn particular attention are widespread allegations of rape and brutal sexual violence.

In July 2024, a Palestinian detainee was transferred to a hospital with severe injuries, including intestinal rupture, anal trauma, broken ribs, and a punctured lung, after an a gang rape by soldiers from Israel’s Unit 100. CCTV footage broadcast by Israel’s Channel 12 in August 2024 showed a disturbing scene: soldiers, positioned behind riot shields, surrounding and attacking the detainee. The video was leaked by Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, Israel’s former top military lawyer, leading to the arrest of five soldiers. However, the primary reaction from parts of Israeli society and government was reportedly not condemnation of the crime but outrage over the leak. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described the disclosure as “the most serious PR attack against Israel”.

In an August 2024 interview on Israel’s Channel 14, Meir Ben-Shitrit, one of the accused, appeared on a live program, calling himself a “hero” and stating, “We defended ourselves and deserve appreciation”. Other defendants reportedly justified their actions under the banner of “national security.” Independent reports, however, present a different picture.

The human rights organization B’Tselem, in its report Welcome to Hell, published testimonies from released detainees alleging electric shocks to genitals, cigarette burns, dog attacks, and systematic rape. The United Nations has stated that at least 53 detainees have died as a result of such treatment.

Although these actions have been justified by Israeli authorities within the framework of the “war on terror,” published evidence suggests a systematic pattern. The limited judicial follow-up, only five defendants among hundreds of reported cases, and the focus on the whistleblower, which reportedly led to Tomer-Yerushalmi’s resignation and arrest, raise serious questions about the investigative process. If the goal is security, why has the primary focus not been on the alleged crimes themselves? This contradiction appears, according to critics, to be part of a larger structure in which power takes precedence over justice and human rights.

 

From Epstein’s private ssland to hidden connections

Jeffrey Epstein, the American financier who apparently died by suicide in a federal prison in 2019, operated a sex trafficking network. He maintained connections with global elites, from politicians to princes, and hosted gatherings on his private island, Little Saint James, events that have been associated with extensive abuse allegations. However, more hidden dimensions of the case relate to his alleged ties to Israel and claims regarding intelligence activities.

US Department of Justice documents released in February 2026 refer to Epstein’s long-standing relationship with Ehud Barak, former Prime Minister of Israel: more than 15 years of friendship, frequent meetings in a Manhattan apartment, and even reports that Israeli intelligence officers stayed at Epstein’s residence. Barak, who has a military and intelligence background, reportedly served as an adviser to Epstein. Epstein also donated to groups such as Friends of the Israel Defense Forces (FIDF) and the Jewish National Fund (JNF); for example, in 2005 he donated $25,000 to FIDF and $15,000 to JNF. An FBI memo from 2020, released in 2026, citing a confidential source, claims that Epstein “was trained under Barak to operate as a Mossad spy” and used his sexual network to gather intelligence and exert blackmail.

In a February 2026 interview with NBC, Barak stated: “I regret knowing him, but I committed no wrongdoing”. Netanyahu has also rejected the allegations, arguing that Epstein’s closeness to Barak proves he did not work for Israel. Nevertheless, some reports, including one by Drop Site News, claim that Epstein and Barak marketed Israeli surveillance technologies, previously tested on Palestinians, in Nigeria. These technologies, involving monitoring and control tools, are said to bear similarities to systems used in Israeli prisons.

Within this framework, some analyses describe brutal sexual crime in both cases as a tool of power: in Epstein’s case for blackmailing elites, and in Sde Teiman for humiliating and controlling detainees. Similar patterns of concealment are also noted: Epstein’s death halted many investigative paths, while at Sde Teiman judicial attention reportedly focused on the whistleblower rather than the alleged perpetrators.

 

The role of Mossad and systematic cover-up

An examination of published evidence suggests that beyond superficial similarities, some analysts view these two cases as comparable. These alleged hidden connections are discussed not as mere speculation, but based on documents and official reports cited by commentators. The use of sexual violence as a tool of control and power is presented as a pattern raised in both contexts.

In Epstein’s case, his 2019 death in prison, officially ruled a suicide, effectively curtailed many investigative avenues. Newly released Justice Department documents in 2026 once again highlighted his relationship with Barak, including frequent correspondence after Epstein’s 2008 conviction, Barak’s stays at Epstein’s New York apartment, and planning of meetings. After Epstein’s death, many associated individuals, including Barak, reportedly downplayed or denied their relationships.

At Sde Teiman, critics argue that a similar cover-up occurred. Following the August 2024 leak of the video, media and judicial focus reportedly shifted toward the whistleblower rather than the alleged crime itself. Tomer-Yerushalmi was arrested in November 2025 on charges including obstruction of justice, fraud, abuse of office, breach of trust, and disclosure of official information. In her resignation letter, she admitted leaking the video to counter what she described as “false propaganda” against military law enforcement officials. Nonetheless, investigations reportedly centered on her rather than on the accused soldiers. NPR described the saga in November 2025 as “soap-opera worthy,” yet the core issue remains: while five soldiers were charged with gang rape, no final trial had reportedly concluded as of February 2026. The United Nations in its August 2024 report described the alleged acts as “a crime against humanity” and reported at least 53 deaths resulting from torture.

The published evidence suggests that in both cases, systemic power allegedly obscured accountability. If Epstein worked to collect blackmail intelligence, as the 2020 FBI memo claims, did such a culture influence military prisons as well? Reports by B’Tselem and Amnesty International describe a pattern of sexual torture at Sde Teiman resembling the structure attributed to Epstein’s network: humiliation as a means of control.

 

A pattern that cannot be ignored

The body of documents and report, from the U.S. Department of Justice to United Nations findings, paints a picture of serious allegations revolving around three axes: sexual violence, political power, and mechanisms of concealment designed to preserve that power. First, similarity in methods, rape for humiliation at Sde Teiman and sexual blackmail in Epstein’s network; second, the presence of senior political figures on the margins of both cases, namely Barak and allegations concerning Mossad; and third, the complexity of judicial and security processes that have made transparent accountability difficult, Epstein’s death closed investigations, and in Sde Teiman, the whistleblower was reportedly punished.

 

(The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of Khamenei.ir.)

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